President Trump has cancelled
the Singapore summit with North Korean leader Kim Jung-Un. He cited North
Korea’s “hostility” as the reason, while using language that leaves open
room for future reconciliation.
North Korea then sent back a respectful letter,
which Trump described
as “warm and productive.” I expect the situation to continue improving, as both
sides seem to want negotiations, despite the malign influence of spoilers
like National Security Advisor John Bolton.
The media, on the other hand, immediately
interpreted Trump’s cancellation and the breakdown of negotiations as proof of
North Korea’s bad-faith
and intransigence, that it is not serious about its commitments, and that Kim
was simply “playing”
the victimized US.
A little recap of the actual recent events is therefore in order.
The US
Scuttles Peace
North Korea has recently made a number of
important concessions. It had agreed to halt its missile tests and has made
good on that commitment. It also agreed to accept the end-goal of
denuclearization as a prerequisite of negotiations. These were the two main
preconditions the US was demanding.
Furthermore, it recently released a number of US
prisoners as a further show of good-will, and has completed the destruction of
its only known nuclear test site, which foreign
journalists were allowed to witness.
It has also pulled-back from its earlier position
regarding the US-South Korean military drills, instead accepting that they will
take place.
The US, in turn, had scaled
back the military drills to not include “strategic assets”, meaning
nuclear-capable aircraft. As well, it halted its position of enmity against the
North. This can be seen in the marked shift from the beginning of the year when
tensions were mounting and the threat of nuclear war was over the horizon.
In short, North Korea made extension concessions,
while the US made extremely minor ones. Essentially, the US halted an already illegitimate
posture of threatening to destroy a small nation which poses it no threat,
while continuing highly threatening military drills, albeit ones that didn’t
come with the threat of nuclear destruction attached. However, there were
concessions on both sides and the chance of a possible peace settlement was
therefore hopeful.
Recently, William J. Perry, who was directly
involved in the
1994 negotiations between North Korea and the Clinton administration, described
how the success of the current round of negotiations depends on building a
mutual “sense of trust” and good faith on both sides.
Its important to note that the 1994 negotiations were
the first time the US seriously pursued diplomacy with the North, which proved
to be the only strategy that has ever yielded results. The US was able to
obtain a
temporary halt to the North’s nuclear development. When the Bush
administration came in and rejected diplomacy in favor of its own brand of
“maximum pressure”, the
progress was
undermined and North Korea went on to
obtain nuclear weapons and to further build up its arsenal.
How did the administration take Perry’s advice and
enhance the “sense of trust” in the face of multiple North Korean good-faith
concessions? First, John Bolton, who was a
key figure in the Bush administrations derailment of Clinton’s North Korea
diplomacy, demanded complete capitulation from North Korea while threatening to
destroy the country.
In an interview, Bolton said the US was
pursuing the “Libya model” for the negotiations. Libya gave up its nuclear
program following US pressure, which then freed the US to later attack and
destroy the country. Libya is therefore an example of US duplicity and a
testament to the necessity of possessing a nuclear deterrent to ward off US
aggression. Evoking the “Libya” model was a barely-disguised threat against
North Korea and an effort to derail the negotiations.
Secondly, the US conducted more threatening
military drills along the North’s border, which the US would of course find
threatening if similar drills were conducted by Russia or China along the
Canadian border. This time, the drills were
to include nuclear-capable B-52’s, a reneging of the previous US concession
to scale back the drills.
According to reports, the original decision to
include the B-52’s was done against
the will of South Korea, which, if true, exemplifies the neo-colonial relationship
the US exerts over its South Korean client, erroneously described as a
mutually-beneficial “alliance” in the media.
With these moves, the US tarnished the mutual
trust and good-faith that had been building, and North Korea responded by
denouncing Bolton and threatening to cancel the Trump-Kim summit. The North was
taking advantage of how badly Trump wanted the summit to take place; his desire
to be seen as “the great statesmen” and a purveyor of world peace, a leader
deserving of the Nobel prize.
The media responded
to North Korea’s letter by proclaiming it was proof of the North’s subterfuge
and untrustworthiness, blaming them for the breakdown of trust. The obvious
effect of these kinds of narratives being to support state power and provide
ideological cover to policies aimed only at power projection; to shield
policymakers from scrutiny about what they are actually doing in the world,
making aggressive actions seem defensive and justified.
In response to North Korea’s denunciation of
Bolton and the US’ threats, the administration began to back off. It cancelled
the participation of the B-52’s and attempted to
roll back comments about the “Libya model.” Trump also walked-back his
public demands of complete and immediate denuclearization, saying that a gradual
denuclearization was perhaps a possibility.
However, at the same time Trump issued a
new threat, saying that if no deal was reached the Libya model would be
back on and the US would engage in “total decimation” of the country. In short:
either make a deal or we’ll murder you.
Vice President Pence then doubled-down
on this by evoking Trump’s ultimatum while directly threatening the country, saying
that if they don’t make a deal it will “end like the Libyan model ended” for
them.
North Korea responded
by lashing out against Pence, saying that it will not be intimidated and will
not capitulate to unilateral US demands. The press, again, latched onto this as
proof of North Korean intransigence. Journalists cited
what they called North Korea’s threat of nuclear war as proof that it was being
aggressive. In reality, the
statement was much less dramatic and contained no threat: “Whether the US
will meet us at a meeting room or encounter us at nuclear-to-nuclear showdown
is entirely dependent upon the decision and behavior of the United States,”
North Korea’s vice foreign minister wrote.
Not mentioned was how the US had threatened to
“totally decimate” their country first, the North’s response therefore being
incredibly mild. Also not mentioned was how North Korea has a no-first-use
nuclear policy while the US maintains
the right to a first strike. Nor that the entire reason for the North even
having nukes in the first place is to ward off a US attack, a position that is
only further justified by continued US threats and intransigence.
North Korea essentially responded by saying: we’ll
accept negotiations, not demands and threats. So if you’d like to go back to
threatening us with nuclear destruction, then we’ll respond without backing
down.
So, while North Korea employs vitriolic and
insulting language, in actuality their position is entirely understandable and
has remained consistent throughout the years.
The
Unsayable Reality
The core issue of the entire North Korea situation
is, and has been, the threat of US attack.
The US divided Korea in pure colonial fashion. It
“decimated” its population during the Korean War, burning down “every town in
North Korea” while erasing at
least 13.5% of its population. It followed this with economic and political
strangulation, which is partly responsible for the starvation and famine that
has transpired throughout the country’s history, as is
conceded in the internal
US
record.
Throughout all of this, the US maintained a
posture of threatening hostility against the North, repeatedly
threatening them with nuclear attack. In response to this existential
threat, North Korea developed a nuclear arsenal as a deterrent to US
aggression. This has
repeatedly been the
assessment of US intelligence, and was recently reiterated
by James Clapper, the former director of national intelligence.
The position of the US during the negotiations has
been one of demanding that North Korea give up its only means of defense
against US aggression.
When officials evoke the “Libya model” or demand
full denuclearization as a prerequisite, they are demanding that North Korea give
up its defenses without any recognition of the country’s legitimate security
concerns; that it essentially bow on its knees in complete capitulation to US diktats,
which would likely mean the eventual destruction of its country.
It may not seem like much to us in America that
our government decimated their population during the Korean War, or that their
nation is under existential threat from US power, but it means something to
North Koreans. Although Western pundits and analysts in effect have no skin in
the game one way or the other – the only
way the US is threatened by North Korea is if it launches an attack against
them first, provoking a defensive response – for North Koreans and people
living on the Korean peninsula it is a matter of life and death, especially
when US policymakers threaten their security by making threats, ultimatums, and
attempting to fly nuclear-capable aircraft along the peninsula.
Yet for the ideological indoctrinators who service
state power, i.e. journalists and “experts”, nothing short of complete North
Korean capitulation is acceptable. Anything less and its “proof” of North
Korean subterfuge, intransigence, and deviousness.
It is literally unsayable to discuss the relevant
history and the core root of the problem. It cannot be said that the US is the
aggressor, that the threat of US aggression is the main reason behind North
Korea’s nuclear deterrent. These blasphemies contradict the ideological
doctrines that the US is always defensive, that it always has the right to
threaten or use force and violence against the world, while the world does not
have the right to defend themselves against it.
So, while the system of propaganda—commonly
referred to as the “free press”—will do everything in its power to back up
Trump’s claim of the US simply responding to North Korean “hostility”, the
reality shows something entirely different.
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